For this, Trudeau deserves none of the credit. It may well be that this change of heart has come only with the passage of time, and that Quebecers have come to forgive Trudeau for the damage done. Quebecers have been expressing their distrust and displeasure at the way they were treated by Trudeau for much of the past 30 years.
Cohen argues that the anger that inspired the sovereignist movement was misplaced; that Quebecers should have been thankful for Trudeau all along. And the risk of its return is magnified if we fail to acknowledge the reasons why Quebecers have been skittish about Canada over much of the post Trudeau era.
From up to the Quebec referendum Trudeau deserves high praise for his heroic efforts in confronting and opposing Quebec separatists. It was not just his oratory and passion that mattered but his decisiveness and deeds. With the Victoria constitutional proposal, Trudeau offered Quebec the protections it needed to sustain a distinct society within the Canadian federation. Unfortunately this sensible agreement was rejected, in part because Trudeau had spent much of the previous decade insulting Quebec politicians and opinion leaders.
When the editor of Le Devoir came out against the Victoria accord, Trudeau had no reservoir of goodwill with which to fight. We can credit Trudeau for implementing official bilingualism. No longer can Quebec nationalists claim there is no place for them in Ottawa, or that federal services were denied to them in French.
Trudeau demonstrated that francophones had real clout in Canada: not just as prime minister, but as governor general, finance minister, commissioner of the RCMP, speaker of the Senate, chief of the defence staff. His brilliant and passionate interventions in the Quebec referendum were decisive to an overwhelming federalist victory. In opposing the status quo and promising constitutional renewal, he gave Quebecers hope that their aspirations would be met with a new arrangement.
Every province, including Quebec, had agreed to that outcome. Please try again. This website uses cookies to personalize your content including ads , and allows us to analyze our traffic. Read more about cookies here. By continuing to use our site, you agree to our Terms of Service and Privacy Policy.
Sign up. Read the Shopping Essentials newsletter for unbiased, unsponsored product recommendations every week. Read the Shopping Essentials newsletter for unbiased product recommendations every week. Manage Print Subscription. Main Menu Search nationalpost. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. All right, ' said. The other premiers were horrified.
The last thing they wanted was a referendum because they knew Trudeau had Canadians on his side. The unity of the Gang was collapsing. They didn't call. Instead there were anxious gatherings in hotel rooms and hallways.
They discussed diluting Trudeaus charter of rights, allowing provinces to override the charter. The "notwithstanding" clause" would allow provinces to declare particular laws exempt from the provisions of the charter. Trudeau had already rejected this watering-down. But during the night, Chretien, Romanow and McMurtry locked in the final agreement that included the override Trudeau hated.
But Trudeau's only two allies, premiers Hatfield and Davis, agreed to the compromise position. Then Davis convinced a reluctant Trudeau he had to take it if he wanted a deal. When he arrived late for a premiers breakfast the next morning, he found that a new deal had been drafted during the night.
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